26 of 40 richest poll candidates are from Tamil Nadu: Can money really win you an election here?

KV Prasad Jun 13, 2022, 06:35 AM IST (Published)

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Come elections, there’s no denying that money and muscle are two important ingredients to whip up a humdinger of a political battle. And despite the Election Commission’s limits on campaign spends (₹95 lakh for large constituencies and ₹75 lakh for smaller ones), money — plenty of it — helps in general goodwill, mobilizing crowds and strongman imagery.

The perception has received backing from none other than Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman herself who made headlines when she said a few weeks ago, that she wasn’t contesting elections since she “did not have that kind of money” to run. “I do not have that kind of money to contest,” said the FM at a conclave, “It’s also going to be a question of various other winnability criteria that they use: ‘are you from this community or from that religion’?”

Many argue that this is more true in Tamil Nadu than other constituencies. In the 2019 Lok Sabha Elections, this state alone accounted for cash seizures of ₹215 crore — 10 times more than cash seizures in the 2014 poll. The 2019 election also saw polling in Vellore postponed after ₹10.56 lakh in accounted cash was unearthed at the residence of DMK candidate, DM Kathir Anand, son of Tamil Nadu Water Resources Minister Durai Murugan.

Two years earlier, VK Sasikala aide and Amma Makkal Munnetra Kazhagam founder, TTV Dinakaran, was accused of distributing cash to voters at the high-profile RK Nagar constituency, which saw a bypoll in 2017 after the demise of its incumbent MLA, former chief minister J Jayalalithaa.

The ongoing election too has seen cold, hard cash return to the focal point of any discussion surrounding factors that could possibly influence voting in Tamil Nadu. A recent raid on the Chennai-Nellai Express saw ₹3.98 crore in unaccounted cash discovered on two travelers who claimed that the money belonged to the BJP’s Tirunelveli candidate, Nainar Nagendran.

Given the kind of role money plays in Tamil Nadu’s politics, it also comes as no surprise that some of the richest candidates at this year’s election are from Tamil Nadu. A quick check of the assets declared in poll affidavits filed as part of nominations this year reveals that 26 out of 40 of the richest candidates contesting elections are from Tamil Nadu.

The top spot from the state is held by AIADMK candidate for Erode, Ashok Kumar, with declared assets of ₹662.5 crore — he also happens to be the second-richest MP across India — followed by the BJP’s Dhevanathan Yadav who will contest from Sivaganga (declared assets ₹304.9 crore).

The 7th, 8th and 9th spots of India’s richest candidates are from Tamil Nadu too — the Congress’ incumbent MP in Sivaganga and this year’s candidate from the constituency, Karti P Chidambaram (₹96.3 crore); the BJP’s Perambalur candidate, T R Paarivendhar (₹93.2 crore); and Kathir Anand of the DMK (₹88.8 crore), in that order. Other DMK stalwarts, many of them dynasts like Kanimozhi Karunanidhi, TR Baalu and Kalanidhi Veeraswamy, also feature on the rich list.

The Election Commission has frequently and emphatically declared its intent to clamp down on cash and other inducements in the run-up to polling. In barely a month since the Model Code of Conduct came into effect, EC data indicates that ₹4,650 crore in cash and goods have been seized across the country. Nearly 45% of these seizures, EC officials said, were illicit drugs being shipped to influence voters. Cash alone accounted for ₹395 crore in the seizures.

However, the question remains: does money really influence voting? “While cash does not decide the result of elections, it is true that money distribution does swing a small percentage of the vote,” says political commentator Sumanth Raman, “So, in a tight race, there is a possibility of the voter being influenced by the distribution of cash.”

The fact is: candidates accused of distributing cash for votes, in Tamil Nadu, often end up winning. The postponed Vellore election eventually took place a month later and saw Kathir emerge victorious with 4.85 lakh votes, while the incumbent AIADMK candidate, AC Shanmugam came second with 4.77 lakh votes. The infamous RK Nagar Bypoll in 2017 saw Dinakaran win by a whopping 40,000 votes, even beating the legendary Jayalalithaa’s vote tally from the AIADMK stronghold by 1,162 votes.

While these are only two instances, information and reports of entire families being coerced into taking oaths of voting for one candidate over the other, frequently do the rounds in Tamil Nadu. There’s the ‘freebie’ culture too: parties promising television sets, laptops, mixer-grinders and two-wheelers have often won elections. Several governments have justified distribution of such goods as social spending — an important element in driving economic activity.

Then there’s the promise of money. In 2021, the DMK made headlines by promising universal basic income to all women if it was voted to power in the state assembly. This announcement meant that the DMK did not actually distribute cash in the 2021 campaign, but made a promise instead thereby legitimizing a cash reward of sorts, should it win. The party won, and from September 2023 till date, 1.06 crore women receive ₹1,000 per beneficiary, every month, costing the state exchequer ₹7,000 per year.

While distribution of money is commonplace, several politicians and candidates are quick to condemn it too. On the campaign trail in Coimbatore, AIADMK candidate Singai G Ramachandran took potshots at BJP candidate for Coimbatore and the party’s state chief K Annamalai, for making a cash offering to a woman after after participating in a traditional Arti (Hindu ritual to ward off evil).

“You keep hearing Annamalai saying money won’t enter politics under the BJP,” Ramachandran said while addressing crowds at a campaign, “Yet, you saw him hand over money to a voter.”

The implication is simple: voters in Tamil Nadu like money and the state’s politicians often reap the benefits of either distributing it or promising it. However, the moral high ground often comes into play while condemning it as immoral or illegal, especially during poll season. However, as this writer observes, this hasn’t stopped some DMK candidates from asking women voters while canvasing for votes, “Ma’am, have you received your ₹1,000?”

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KV Prasad Journo follow politics, process in Parliament and US Congress. Former Congressional APSA-Fulbright Fellow