Budget report card: Hits and misses of government’s fiscal roadmap

Nirmala Sitharaman

The COVID-19 pandemic has had a massive impact on government’s fiscal roadmap. Due to the COVID shock on revenues and expenditure, the government will be undertaking a major recalibration of the fiscal targets in the upcoming Budget.

The 0.5 percent escape clause in the FRBM law has become irrelevant as the slippages due to COVID are beyond this deviation. The 3 percent deficit target to be achieved by March 31 2021 as per the FRBM is also irrelevant in the current environment. The 40 percent debt-to-GDP ratio by FY25 is also unlikely to be achieved.

Against the target of 3.5 percent as of November end, the fiscal deficit is at 4.79 percent. However, the deficit is further estimated to slip to 7.5-8 percent due to the contraction in nominal GDP and government’s expenditure set to exceed the original budget estimate.

Government had envisaged a 3.3 percent fiscal deficit for FY22. However, it is likely to be revised in the coming Budget in the range of 5-5.5 percent. Consequently, the 3.1 percent aim set for FY23 is also out of the window. A number as low as this is unlikely to figure in the fiscal roadmap any time soon.

Fiscal roadmap for Centre and states needed: NK Singh, chairman of 15th Finance Commission

Buyback

The chairman of the 15th Finance Commission NK Singh on Thursday said a new fiscal architecture for both the Centre and states is needed.

Singh speaking to CNBC-TV18 said the states have the option of aligning their FRBMs (Fiscal Responsibility and Budget Management)with the Centre if they want to use the fiscal escape clause.

Singh said, “We have decided to constitute a fiscal committee which will also address that one particular recommendation contained there on a legal framework for fiscal architecture. It is just a thought as I really think that whether such a legal framework would be useful or not, would be practical or not.”

Biggest priority of budget was to keep macroeconomic stability unchanged: Nirmala Sitharaman

Nirmala Sitharaman

Union finance minister Nirmala Sitharaman on Tuesday said the biggest priority of the union budget 2020 was to keep the macroeconomic stability unchanged.

Addressing India Inc at a CII event, she said, “If we give priority for the macroeconomic stability, the first thing I could not play around with the FRBM (Fiscal Responsibility and Budget Management). I had to be well within its limits.”

“If by spending, I was to give that necessary impetus to the economy, we were very clear that we shall not violate the FRBM and as a result, only that much forbearance or only that much of window or only that much of escape clause that it permits us, we have utilised,” Sitharaman said.

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The FRBM escape clause has been invoked with due caution and deliberation, says NK Singh

KV Prasad Jun 13, 2022, 06:35 AM IST (Published)

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Summary

NK Singh, the chairman of the 15th Finance Commission, believes that the FRBM escape clause in Budget 2020 has been invoked with due caution and deliberation and thus backed the government’s decision to trigger the clause on fiscal deficit.

NK Singh, the chairman of the 15th Finance Commission, believes that the FRBM escape clause in Budget 2020 has been invoked with due caution and deliberation and thus backed the government’s decision to trigger the clause for fiscal deficit deviation.

In an interview with CNBC-TV18’s Shereen Bhan he reasoned, “Who can deny GST is a far-reaching structural reform that has had unintended fiscal consequences?”

“I think that the escape clause has been invoked with due caution, with due deliberation, and after very careful consideration. So I don’t subscribe to the view that the escape clause has been invoked in a casual way,” he added

Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman on Saturday unveiled the budget for fiscal 2020-21. The FY20 fiscal deficit is now seen at 3.8 percent of GDP versus the earlier target of 3.3 percent.

The government has used the FRBM trigger mechanism for the fiscal deficit deviation of 0.5 percent for the current fiscal.

Singh also said that the ‘path of return’ has been indicated in the policy statement.

“Didn’t want to risk making macro projections based on the current scenario. Once the Q1 data comes out we will give projections for the next 5 years,” he said.

The Finance Commission chairman also voiced his worry about state finances.

“The states are in compliance with the targets they have taken upon themselves under their own state-level Fiscal Responsibility and Budget Management Act (FRBM). Their debt by and large aggregated comes to around 25 percent. There are some states which are either better performers than others, there are other states where legacy debt is a very serious issue,” he explained.

When asked about GDP growth, Singh said, “Right now the nominal GDP growth for next year has been assumed to be only 10 percent or so. So let’s see how the Q1 figures turn out to be before we come to any other conclusion.”

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sensex ₹1,882.60 +28.30
nifty IT ₹2,206.80 +30.85
nifty bank ₹1,318.95 -14.95
index Price Change
nifty 50 ₹16,986.00 -7.15
sensex ₹1,882.60 +8.30
nifty IT ₹2,206.80 +3.85
nifty bank ₹1,318.95 -1.95
index Price Change
nifty 50 ₹16,986.00 -72.15
sensex ₹1,882.60 +28.30
nifty IT ₹2,206.80 +30.85
nifty bank ₹1,318.95 -14.95
index Price Change
nifty 50 ₹16,986.00 -7.15
sensex ₹1,882.60 +8.30
nifty IT ₹2,206.80 +3.85
nifty bank ₹1,318.95 -1.95
index Price Change
nifty 50 ₹16,986.00 -7.15
sensex ₹1,882.60 +8.30
nifty IT ₹2,206.80 +3.85
nifty bank ₹1,318.95 -1.95

Currency

Company Price Chng %Chng
Dollar-Rupee 73.3500 0.0000 0.00
Euro-Rupee 89.0980 0.0100 0.01
Pound-Rupee 103.6360 -0.0750 -0.07
Rupee-100 Yen 0.6734 -0.0003 -0.05
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P Chidambaram promises fiscal prudence even as Congress assures minimum income guarantee for poor families

P Chidambaram

After Congress president Rahul Gandhi announced that his party would ensure Universal Basic Income (UBI) in the country, senior Congress leader P Chidambaram on Monday promised fiscal prudence and assured a minimum income guarantee scheme for the poor families.

Chidambaram said the Congress government if comes to power in 2019 will work out the math to make minimum income guarantee workable and the idea was not borrowed from the BJP as the saffron part has practically nothing to teach Congress.

In an interview to CNBC-TV18’s Shereen Bhan, Chidambaram said, “Let’s assume that 20 percent of India are the very poor and we must find the way in which that 20 percent families are assured an annual income at a minimum level. At a level, where they will have enough food, clothes, roof over their head, can send their children to school and access healthcare, and that’s the absolute minimum in a civilised society.”

“Our employment is in the unorganised sector. Bulk of them are in rural India and a very large number is in urban slums. Therefore, the target is the poorest families. The mode is to transfer money to those families so that the family will have a minimum income,” he said.

Former finance minister said India will be adapting the idea of universal basic income to our situations and to our needs, “It will be through a transfer of money to families, the poorest families of India. The Minimum Wages Act will imply only to an employment in the organised sector. Developed countries do exactly what I am saying by periodically increasing the minimum wage. America does it, but that is because most employment there or almost 100 percent employment is in the organised sector.”

“Dr Arvind Subramanian for example has calculated a UBI to be 1.5 percent of GDP and others have made the calculation. I think the way we are approaching the problem, namely wiping out of poverty as the goal, it is eminently doable. We are a large economy and given the size of our GDP and annual expenditure, we can do it,” he added.

Chief economic advisor (CEA) Arvind Subramanian in the Economic Survey 2016-17 had mooted the idea of UBI or a uniform stipend paid to every adult and child, poor or rich. UBI will guarantee all citizens enough income to cover their basic needs and would be easier to administer than the current anti-poverty schemes, which are plagued by waste, corruption and abuse.

Claiming that fiscal deficit will remain around the level of three percent, Chidambaram said the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government has progressively brought it down every year and the Congress is committed to FRBM (Fiscal Responsibility and Budget Management Act).

Talking on method of implementation, Chidambaram said the party will answer this question when it forms the government and added that bulk of obligation will be carried by the central government, but will find ways to see how it can be shared with state governments.

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CAG favours policy framework for off-budget financing

KV Prasad Jun 13, 2022, 06:35 AM IST (Published)

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Summary

In the report tabled in Parliament on Tuesday covering fiscal 2016-17, the Comptroller and Auditor General of India (CAG) said that the off-budget financing was being used to defer fertiliser arrears, food subsidy bills and outstanding dues of Food Corporation of India (FCI) through borrowings.

The government should frame a policy on off-budget financing and sources of such funding in view of its fiscal implication, a CAG report on the Fiscal Responsibility and Budget Management (FRBM) said.

In the report tabled in Parliament on Tuesday covering fiscal 2016-17, the Comptroller and Auditor General of India (CAG) said that the off-budget financing was being used to defer fertiliser arrears, food subsidy bills and outstanding dues of Food Corporation of India (FCI) through borrowings.

It said that though the off-budget financing being outside the parliamentary control, it has implication for fiscal indicators as they “understate” the government’s expenditure in the year by keeping them off the budget. “Such off-budget financial arrangement, defer committed liability (subsidy arrears/bills) or create future liability and increases cost of subsidy due to interest payment,” the report said.

In order to address these issues, it said the government should consider “putting in place” a policy framework for off-budget financing. The framework should specify the rationale and objective of off-budget financing, quantum of off-budget financing, sources of fund among others.

The CAG further said the government should also consider disclosing the details of off- budget borrowings through disclosure statements in Budget as well as in accounts.

The objective of the Fiscal Responsibility and Budget Management (FRBM) Act, 2003 was to provide for the responsibility of the Central Government to ensure inter-generational equity in fiscal management and long-term macro-economic stability.

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index Price Change
nifty 50 ₹16,986.00 -72.15
sensex ₹1,882.60 +28.30
nifty IT ₹2,206.80 +30.85
nifty bank ₹1,318.95 -14.95
index Price Change
nifty 50 ₹16,986.00 -7.15
sensex ₹1,882.60 +8.30
nifty IT ₹2,206.80 +3.85
nifty bank ₹1,318.95 -1.95
index Price Change
nifty 50 ₹16,986.00 -72.15
sensex ₹1,882.60 +28.30
nifty IT ₹2,206.80 +30.85
nifty bank ₹1,318.95 -14.95
index Price Change
nifty 50 ₹16,986.00 -7.15
sensex ₹1,882.60 +8.30
nifty IT ₹2,206.80 +3.85
nifty bank ₹1,318.95 -1.95
index Price Change
nifty 50 ₹16,986.00 -7.15
sensex ₹1,882.60 +8.30
nifty IT ₹2,206.80 +3.85
nifty bank ₹1,318.95 -1.95

Currency

Company Price Chng %Chng
Dollar-Rupee 73.3500 0.0000 0.00
Euro-Rupee 89.0980 0.0100 0.01
Pound-Rupee 103.6360 -0.0750 -0.07
Rupee-100 Yen 0.6734 -0.0003 -0.05
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There is now a real possibility of fiscal deficit target slippage

KV Prasad Jun 13, 2022, 06:35 AM IST (Published)

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Summary

The finance ministry has repeatedly assured that it will meet this year’s fiscal deficit target of 3.3 percent of GDP.

The latest central government accounts released by the Controller of Government Accounts (CGA) show the real possibility of a fiscal deficit slippage of 1 percent of GDP.

This is even before any pre-election relief package is implemented.

The finance ministry has repeatedly assured that it will meet this year’s fiscal deficit target of 3.3 percent of GDP. However, the impending slippage will not be easy to camouflage using usual accounting smokescreens, unless the government extracts a one-off dividend from the RBI.

State and central governments are increasingly monetising deficits to pay for current expenditures, rather than for productive investments.

Our blinkered policy framework has made monetary policy an accessory to this fiscal deterioration. We need a comprehensive framework that better debates overall financial stability.

State of central finances 

Data released by the CGA shows that for eight months of FY19, net central tax receipts are at INR 7.32 tn, just 4.4% higher than last year, and well below the 19.1% growth budgeted.

At this pace, the center is looking at a revenue shortfall of INR 1.85 tn or 1% of GDP.  This belies the finance ministry’s repeated assertions that the shortfall in indirect taxes will be made up with higher direct tax collections.

With additional slippages on the expenditure front, the fiscal situation is already stressed, even before any extra pre-election doles are announced.

Managing the optical deficit

Successive governments have continued to follow accounting norms that would border on fraud in any corporate environment.

For one, with its cash rather than accrual accounting, delaying expenditure and refund payments into the next fiscal would reduce the optical deficit in the current year.

In addition, governments have extracted money from public sector units (PSUs) by inducing them to buy out government stakes in other PSUs. They have also delayed payments to government owned institutions, and instead encouraged them to borrow from the market.

Even so, with large pre-election doles on the anvil in today’s environment of competitive populism, the problem may be too large to account away. A large one-off dividend from the RBI may now be a critical part of the fiscal equation.

Quality of the fiscal deficit

We could argue that higher fiscal deficits are not all bad, since they fund much-needed infrastructure investments. Do they?

Unlike any prudent household, our governments have always run a “revenue deficit” – i.e., they borrow money just to pay for current expenditures.

Between FY17 and FY18, reversing an earlier trend of improvements, India’s revenue deficit increased from 2.0 percent of GDP to 2.6 percent of GDP. Alongside, central capital spends declined from Rs 2.90 trillion in FY17 to Rs 2.64 trillion in FY18.

The Fiscal Responsibility and Budget Management Act (FRBM) earlier targeted the elimination of this revenue deficit. This year, however, the FRBM act has been amended to remove any revenue deficit targets.

Governments have argued that “revenue” and “capital” metrics are misleading. As an example, they argue, the annual cost for maintenance of schools shows up as a revenue rather than capital expenditure.

Even if one grants that argument, surely the way out has to be to a review of the expenditure classification norms. Removing any separate target for revenue deficits simply allows successive governments to worsen the quality of fiscal spending.

Markets, fiscal deficits and RBI’s blinkers

Despite fiscal deterioration, government 10-year bond yields have come down sharply over the past few months, from a peak of 8.25 percent to 7.39 percent now. This is thanks to RBI emerging as a large buyer of government bonds. RBI might purchase an astonishing 80 percent of net GOI issuance in FY19. This is quantitative easing and deficit monetisation, RBI style.

The stated intent behind this large-scale OMO is to infuse durable liquidity. There are multiple instruments available to infuse liquidity – bank Cash Reserve Ratio (CRR), term repurchase operations, and OMOs. Each of these have their inevitable side effects.

Bond OMOs clearly impact government borrowing costs, even if that is unintended. The wisdom of the RBI bringing down government borrowing costs at a time of fiscal deterioration has to be debated better. One could argue that longer term repos would be the appropriate liquidity management tool for now, with less distortion of bond markets.

This blinkered approach of ignoring side effects extends to monetary policy as well.

One side effect of keeping real interest rates high during 2014-17 to combat inflation was to attract reversible carry-seeking foreign currency inflows. This resulted in an overvalued INR, hurt our exports, and built an external vulnerability that bubbled over in 2018. It did not matter that the monetary policy had no stated intent of impacting our external balance – intention does not negate impact.

Likewise, with CPI at multi-year lows, the MPC could now consider interest rate cuts. Market participants will egg them on, since lower interest rates and higher liquidity are palliatives in the current mess in the financial sector ecosystem.

Never mind that we have little idea how food inflation, the single biggest reason for low CPI, will play out. Never mind that we are repeating exactly the same conditions that the Urjit Patel Monetary Policy committee report of January 2014 warned against – easing monetary policy in the wake of fiscal slippage and using RBI OMOs to monetise rising government deficits.

In Summary

We are now in a period of fiscal and monetary easing. Our blinkered approach to fiscal, monetary and liquidity management has reduced meaningful debate on broader consequences of all this on financial stability. Absent real reforms and a better policy framework, we might have to pray for low crude oil prices as a way of avoiding a repeat of a twin deficit problem in the near future.

Ananth Narayan is Associate Professor-Finance at SPJIMR. He was previously Standard Chartered Bank’s Regional Head of Financial Markets for ASEAN and South Asia.

Elon Musk forms several ‘X Holdings’ companies to fund potential Twitter buyout

3 Mins Read

Thursday’s filing dispelled some doubts, though Musk still has work to do. He and his advisers will spend the coming days vetting potential investors for the equity portion of his offer, according to people familiar with the matter

 Daily Newsletter

KV Prasad Journo follow politics, process in Parliament and US Congress. Former Congressional APSA-Fulbright Fellow

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Oil Fluctuates as Traders Assess China’s Vow, Unrest in Libya

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index Price Change
nifty 50 ₹16,986.00 -72.15
sensex ₹1,882.60 +28.30
nifty IT ₹2,206.80 +30.85
nifty bank ₹1,318.95 -14.95
index Price Change
nifty 50 ₹16,986.00 -7.15
sensex ₹1,882.60 +8.30
nifty IT ₹2,206.80 +3.85
nifty bank ₹1,318.95 -1.95
index Price Change
nifty 50 ₹16,986.00 -72.15
sensex ₹1,882.60 +28.30
nifty IT ₹2,206.80 +30.85
nifty bank ₹1,318.95 -14.95
index Price Change
nifty 50 ₹16,986.00 -7.15
sensex ₹1,882.60 +8.30
nifty IT ₹2,206.80 +3.85
nifty bank ₹1,318.95 -1.95
index Price Change
nifty 50 ₹16,986.00 -7.15
sensex ₹1,882.60 +8.30
nifty IT ₹2,206.80 +3.85
nifty bank ₹1,318.95 -1.95

Currency

Company Price Chng %Chng
Dollar-Rupee 73.3500 0.0000 0.00
Euro-Rupee 89.0980 0.0100 0.01
Pound-Rupee 103.6360 -0.0750 -0.07
Rupee-100 Yen 0.6734 -0.0003 -0.05
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